More Trolls On A Roll

Four more decisions from U.S. District Judge Beryl Howell, thousands more disappointed "John Doe" defendants.  Welcome to Washington, DCT (District of Copyright Trolls)!

To paraphrase Chief Brody, they’re gonna need a bigger courtroom down at the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. That’s because Judge Beryl Howell has been at it again. As we reported last month, in March Judge Howell hung out the welcome sign in a big way for plaintiffs seeking to bring “John Doe” lawsuits alleging copyright infringements by 1,000+ unnamed defendants. And now she’s issued four more similar decisions in cases with as many as 5,000 defendants! (Check them out here, here, here and here.)

Welcome to D.C., your go-to spot for BitTorrent litigation. Troll out the red carpet!

We’ve described the SOP of copyright trolls before (here and here). Judge Howell’s latest additions to the troll jurisprudence confirm her commitment to the view that troll-plaintiffs using that SOP are pretty much entitled to the identities of the folks associated with the IP addresses relied on to get the litigation started. In other words, when a troll-plaintiff subpoenas ISPs looking for defendants’ identities, challenges to those subpoenas don’t stand much chance, whether the challenges are based on personal jurisdiction, joinder or First Amendment arguments. Instead, such challenges can be made only after the defendant’s identity has been coughed up. But since the revelation of their identities is precisely what many defendants hope to avoid in such cases – to keep their names from being associated with downloading seemingly racy fare (like “Stripper Academy”, or worse) – Judge Howell’s position gives the troll-plaintiffs considerable leverage for settlement purposes.

(Note, though, that not all John Doe infringement suits involve seemingly sleazy movies. One of Judge Howell’s latest decisions involves allegedly infringing downloads of the critically-acclaimed Oscar® winner, The Hurt Locker.)

In her decisions, Judge Howell rejects arguments presented by slews of defendants seeking to keep the lid on their identities in the face of plaintiffs’ subpoenas. The defendants claimed variously that: they never downloaded anything; they didn’t do anything illegal; they’re entitled to remain anonymous; the court lacks personal jurisdiction over the defendants; etc., etc. – the same arguments the Judge rejected in her decision last March.

While her rationale on the joinder and jurisdiction issues tracks her earlier order, her latest opinions break some new ground on other issues. In response to defendants’ claims that they have not engaged in any infringement and thus need not be identified, Judge Howell says, in effect, “so what?” As she sees it, whether or not any defendant infringed the work is an issue for later, after the defendant had been identified (and, presumably, deposed). A “general denial of liability” is not a basis for “preventing the plaintiff from obtaining the putative defendants’ identifying information”.

Similarly, claims of protected privacy are immaterial because “whatever asserted First Amendment right to anonymity the putative defendants may have in this context does not shield them from allegations of copyright infringement.” Judge Howell also opines (in rejecting a request for a protective order) that any right to anonymity in the context of BitTorrent activity is minimal and outweighed by the plaintiff’s need to get the defendant’s identifying information in order to protect its copyrights.  

Finally, as Judge Howell sees it, any claims of “undue burden” would apply only to the ISP – which would have to do the heavy lifting of matching up IP addresses with names and street addresses – not to the individual defendant, who essentially doesn’t have to do anything to “respond” to the subpoena.  

These cases aggravate the unevenness of the already uneven playing field in this kind of John Doe copyright infringement litigation. Reiterating that I hold no love for copyright infringers, I do believe in strong Due Process protections, especially when those protections are invoked in furtherance of First Amendment values. Even if a BitTorrent user’s First Amendment rights may seem minimal to some, those rights do not evaporate entirely. An important component of traditional First Amendment protection lies in procedural measures that require plaintiffs to clear certain hurdles before a suit can go forward. 

For my money, Judge Howell’s rulings have written these hurdles out of the law as far as John Doe copyright cases go. In Judge Howell’s view, a plaintiff will apparently be allowed to bring a single suit to be heard in a single court against thousands of people who have only the barest connection to each other or to that court’s jurisdiction. Those thousands of defendants will then be effectively forced, regardless of their claimed innocence, to opt for a de facto admission of guilt through settlement simply because that’s cheaper than paying the costs – attorney’s fees, travel, etc. – required to defend themselves in court. The approach that pervades Judge Howell’s decisions reflects a reversal of traditional presumptions, a “guilty of infringement until proven innocent” mindset that absolutely horrifies me. 

So in case any troll-plaintiffs looking for a place to sue thousands of John Doe defendants missed Judge Howell’s March order, she has now reinforced the message in spades: the U.S. District Court in D.C. will welcome your business. But let’s hope that none of those cases go to trial, since the available courtrooms aren’t set up to accommodate 5,000+ litigants at a time.

[One final note: This blogger is aware of claims advanced elsewhere (and referenced by at least one person who commented on my post about Judge Howell’s March decision) that the Judge may hold a longstanding bias in favor of the copyright holders. I want to state emphatically that I do not endorse such claims and have seen no conclusive evidence to support them.]

NBP Lift-Off!

FCC launches five – uh, make that six – NBP-related items in one day

If you thought the FCC might have been kidding around when it promised quick action on the National Broadband Plan (NBP) agenda items, the FCC is working hard to move you off that thought. In an impressive display of regulatory shock and awe, the FCC has put a substantial dent in its NBP to-do list by launching six separate proceedings covering five discrete subjects. The items include:

The six items top out at a total of just over 250 pages in all, so you might want to start reading now.  If you just want to get a quick sense of what each involves, you might want to check out the public notices which recap each: Universal Service Fund; Roaming Obligations; Survivability; Cyber Security Certification; and Set-top Boxes.

 Each of the six items invites comments and reply comments, but don’t get your calendars out yet. The comment deadlines won’t be set until the various notices are published in the Federal Register. And to make it even trickier to start planning your early summer get-away, the Commission appears to contemplate an oddly diverse set of deadlines. For example, comments and replies in response to the Set-top Box NOI will be due a scant 30 days and 45 days, respectively, after that notice makes it into the Federal Register.  By contrast, comments/replies in the Cyber Security Certification proceeding won’t be due until 60/120 days after publication. And in between you’ve got the Set-top Box NPRM and USF combo NOI/NPRM (60/90 days for each), and the Survivability NOI and Roaming NPRM (45/75 days for each).

With this barrage – or is it a salvo? – the Commission is clearly signaling its determination to move forward with the ambitious campaign mapped out in the NBP, despite the major questions which loom large in the wake of the FCC’s setback in the Comcast case.  And don’t get comfortable, because these are just the beginning.  The NBP envisions more than 60 proceedings in the months to come.  Stay tuned . . .

Can Network Neutrality Survive Comcast v. FCC? (Spoiler Alert: Maybe.)

A look at successes of the past gives the FCC a way to move forward.

(Author’s note: Last November I posted an item here improvidently titled “How to Solve the Network Neutrality Problem.” My solution was overturned, along with the FCC’s efforts at Internet regulation, by the recent court decision in Comcast v. FCC. Below is a revised path to the same goal that still works after Comcast.)

Network neutrality advocates are in despair following the Comcast decision. That case arose when cable company Comcast selectively hindered customers’ access to certain file-sharing services. The FCC told it to stop. Comcast already had stopped, but went to court anyway to protest the FCC’s butting in. The court ruled for Comcast, asserting the FCC lacks authority to regulate Internet service providers. Comcast is free to decide what content to favor, impede, or block entirely. Read our account here

Network neutrality – the principle that Internet providers should treat content even-handedly – seems to be dead, waiting only for someone to close its eyes and straighten its tie.   The more desperate among its advocates – including at least one FCC Commissioner – speak openly about the nuclear option: a step called “reclassification.”  This means the FCC would reclassify broadband Internet service as a common carrier “telecommunications service,” thereby exposing it to a wide panoply of regulation. As my colleague Paul Feldman notes, reclassification would generate opposition from several industry segments and possibly Congress, and would certainly lead to protracted court appeals. Also the legality of reclassification is in doubt. Many components of Internet service simply do not fit the definition of telecommunications service (see below), and so are not plausibly subject to regulation.

Reclassification is a sledge-hammer. We need a scalpel. Fortunately, one is available.

Ah, the old days . . .

But first, a nagging question. The Internet has been popular for two decades. Why are we are talking about network neutrality only now? The anti-NN forces note that the stunning growth of the Internet occurred without regulation. Why not just continue?

True, there was no Internet regulation in the dial-up days, but an even stronger force was at work: competition.  The phone companies all had departments functioning as Internet service providers (ISPs). The FCC’s Computer III rules required the bigger phone companies to open their networks to competing ISPs. That gave most people dozens of ISPs to choose from. None of the ISPs dared tamper with customers’ content, because the customers could easily go elsewhere.

Then broadband appeared, and quickly became essential as web pages grew more complex. Most consumers have either one or two sources for broadband: the cable company, over the same wires that carry cable TV; and the phone company, first via DSL and later, in some areas, through fiber-optic cables. 

The DSL channel was originally subject to the Computer III sharing rules, but the cable never was. The FCC asked whether it should open the cable to competing ISPs, in the manner of Computer III.

Follow this part closely. To apply Computer III, the FCC would have to find that cable broadband is, or includes, a “telecommunications service” – that is, the pure transport of information, for payment, offered to the public. Common sense tells us that sending Internet pages over the cable has to involve a telecommunications service, among other things. But the FCC is not always bound by common sense. According to its 2002 order, the telecommunications component is not separable from the other components, such as interactive choice of content. The FCC resolved to treat the combined, non-separable service as non-telecommunications. That means Computer III does not apply. A cable operator need not open its facilities to competitors, and can require its Internet customers to use its own ISP service. Cable subscribers are not entitled to competition among ISPs.

The Supreme Court’s Brand X case subsequently upheld the FCC. But it did not say the FCC’s decision was the only right one. Rather – and this is the kind of thing that makes non-lawyers glad they picked some other line of work – the court deferred to the FCC’s right to make the decision. The distinction matters because, ruling the way it did, the Court could easily have supported even the opposite outcome from the FCC.

In the meantime, phone companies answered the FCC’s 2002 cable ruling with outraged filings about a “level playing field.” They still had to put their ISP competitors on the broadband channel, while the cable companies enjoyed the exclusive use of their own cables. In 2005, just a few weeks after the Supreme Court handed down Brand X, the FCC ruled that phone-company broadband was, like cable broadband, a combined service to be regulated as non-telecommunications. No more Computer III; no more competing ISPs.

As a result, if you have broadband Internet service, it is very likely that your ISP is the cable company or the phone company. And, if both companies serve your location, odds are your provider has tried to lock you into a long-term deal with a stiff early termination fee. Unhappy with the service? Tough luck.

Still, some people don’t want the Government intruding into the market for Internet services. Others don’t want a near-monopoly provider deciding what content they should receive. After Comcast, is there any hope for the second camp?

A possible way out

Suppose the FCC were to revisit that 2002 cable decision, the one holding the telecommunications and non-telecommunications aspects of Internet service to be inseparable. Could the FCC now change its mind, and separate out the transport-for-pay component as a telecommunications service? Then, instead of applying the full weight of common carrier rules, it could impose just one: a requirement like that in Computer III, requiring the operator to allow competing ISP on the cable. That would bring back competition among ISPs, and create a major disincentive to tampering with content.

Until last year, this would not have been workable. An agency like the FCC could not change its position without an intervening change of circumstances, such as a major shift in the industry landscape. But last year’s Supreme Court case of Fox v. FCC changed the rules on changing the rules. 

After Fox, the FCC need show only that the new policy makes sense – not that it makes more sense than the old policy. Admittedly, abrupt reversals of established policy have historically been disfavored for many good reasons, and such reversals may – as Brother Feldman observes – still be subject to attack as unjustified. But Fox appears to given the agency considerably greater leeway to change its mind.

Had the FCC chosen to regulate the cable transport back in 2002, the cable companies would have gone to court, but they probably would have lost, under the reasoning in Brand X that defers to the FCC’s judgment. And if the FCC could have required ISP competition on the cable in 2002, then the Fox case strongly suggests they could do it today. 

The argument is even better for phone company broadband, which was subject to mandatory-competition rules until 2005. If anything, the case for requiring ISP competition is stronger now, in light of abuses by the providers, followed by the Comcast court’s closing off more direct remedies.

The process has one more step. The FCC can require ISP competition, as above, but not network neutrality, after Comcast. Either one – competition or neutrality – can protect consumers against content discrimination. So why not give the provider a choice? Undo the 2002 and 2005 broadband orders; regulate data transport as telecommunications; require providers to open their facilities to competitors – but waive that rule for providers that adopt network neutrality. Competition will flourish, or content will be available without discrimination. Either way, consumers come out ahead.

In The Wake Of Comcast: Quo Vadis?

FCC faces a range of options, none particularly attractive

As my colleague Mitchell Lazarus concisely analyzed here, the D.C. Circuit has vacated the FCC’s 2008 determination that Comcast’s network management practices violated the 2005 Internet Policy Statement. The Court held that the FCC’s attempt to enforce these particular “net neutrality” policies was invalid for lack of jurisdiction.

 Jurisdiction in this context means power or authority. An independent federal agency’s ability to take any action depends on the authority granted that agency by Congress. If Congress has authorized the agency to act, the agency may act; if Congress hasn’t authorized it, the agency may not act. Of course, things are seldom that cut and dried.  Sometimes Congress authorizes the agency to regulate in a general area but doesn’t mention anything about another, related, area.  (For example, prior to 1984 the Communications Act authorized the FCC to regulate broadcasting, but said nothing about regulating the cable TV industry.) The courts have agreed that, in such cases, the FCC may act in the not-specifically-mentioned area if such action is “reasonably ancillary” to the agency’s “statutorily mandated responsibilities”.

 In the Comcast case, the FCC claimed its regulation of Comcast’s practices was “reasonably ancillary” to a number of the Act’s provisions. But the D.C. Circuit concluded that none of the provisions cited by the FCC imposed any “statutorily mandated responsibility” to which the FCC’s regulation of Comcast might be deemed “reasonably ancillary”. And without that essential nexus, the FCC lacked the power, or jurisdiction, to do what it had done. As a result, the Court’s ruling also signaled that the FCC may lack the power to impose network neutrality principles.

 So where does the FCC go from here if it wants to promulgate net neutrality regulations? There appear to be four major options:

Appeal to the Supreme Court.  In its Comcast arguments, the FCC relied on the Supreme Court’s 2005 Brand X decision. That case involved the Commission’s determination that cable modem Internet access service is an “information service” subject to regulation under Title I of the Act, rather than a “telecommunications service” subject to Title II. In its Brand X

opinion, the Supreme Court observed that the FCC “remains free to impose special regulatory duties on [cable Internet access providers] under its Title I ancillary jurisdiction.” In Comcast, the FCC argued to the D.C. Circuit that that Supreme Court language established that the FCC could claim ancillary jurisdiction derived from Title I.

But the D.C. Circuit felt that the Commission was reading too much into that quotation. In the Circuit’s view, just because the Supreme Court said that the FCC had jurisdiction to impose some kind of regulation on ISPs under Title I doesn’t mean that the agency had jurisdiction to impose this particular regulation (i.e., “reasonable” traffic management); rather, the Circuit held, each claim for ancillary jurisdiction must be analyzed on its own merits.

Given that, the FCC could try to convince the Supreme Court to provide a broad interpretation of its Brand X language, broad enough to support the Commission’s claim of authority to regulate ISP traffic management. This would not be an easy case for the FCC. As the D.C. Circuit’s Comcast decision makes clear, the Supreme Court itself has, in a number of decisions, treated the concept of ancillary jurisdiction as narrow. Like the Circuit, the Supreme Court has held that each new assertion of such authority must be evaluated on its own terms.  So the prospects of a broad, result-changing opinion out of the Supreme Court are not good. Additionally, a trip to the Supreme Court would not be quick: it is unlikely that a decision would be released prior to June, 2011, even if the Supreme Court agreed to take the case (which it is not required to do – indeed, the Supreme Court routinely agrees to review only about 1% of the cases presented to it).

Go to Congress. Seemingly the most direct way to fix a lack of jurisdiction is to get Congress to eliminate that lack by enacting legislation specifically providing the Commission with the authority to do what it wants to do. While legislation is perhaps the most direct route, it is neither the quickest nor the surest. Bills designed to give the FCC such authority have been introduced over the last few years – but they have not progressed significantly. While it’s difficult (if not impossible) to pinpoint precisely why proposed legislation gets stalled, in this instance that may be attributable, at least  in part, to a preference by Congressional Democrats to give the FCC a chance to take a first shot at crafting net neutrality regulations. Another factor possibly staying Congress’s hand: a desire to wait and see what the D.C. Circuit would do in the Comcast case. But now that the D.C. Circuit has ruled against the FCC’s assertion of ancillary authority in this area, those two factors have been eliminated.  

While it may be possible to get legislation authorizing very narrow FCC regulation of Internet traffic management enacted before everyone’s attention turns to the November elections, that seems unlikely. Verizon has been calling for much broader legislation to re-write the Communications Act for the “Internet Age,” but that seems even less likely to occur before November, and Verizon’s proposal probably would not provide the FCC authority to adopt net neutrality rules. Indeed, it took years of work to get the last re-write of the Communications Act enacted in 1996.  

Re-classify the Transport Component of Internet Access to be a Title II Telecommunications Service.  The FCC has recognized for some time that their 2008 Comcast Order was in trouble (as anyone who attended the oral argument at the Circuit could have surmised).  Perhaps because of that, some Commissioners have been floating a possible alternative approach: re-classify at least some aspects of Internet access (including, e.g., the transport component) as a Title II telecommunications service. Since Title II unquestionably contains “statutorily mandated responsibilities” (more so than Title I), so the thinking goes, the Commission would be better able to establish that its regulation is “reasonably ancillary” to such responsibilities, thus avoiding the jurisdictional problem identified in the Comcast decision.

But this “re-classification” approach has its own problems. 

First, re-classification would require the reversal of multiple FCC decisions made between 2002 and 2006. Those decision classified cable modem, DSL, wireless broadband and broadband-over-powerline as “information services” rather than telecommunications services. To be sure, the FCC already has a pending “Open Internet” proceeding through which a record might be built in support of re-classification of Internet transport as a telecommunications service. But what would Net Neutrality advocates use to make the case that the Internet environment has changed so radically in the last couple of years: the growth of “edge” providers and third-party Internet applications? Another difficulty: the FCC’s reasoning back in 2002, upheld by the Supreme Court in Brand X, was that even accessing the world wide web required an integrated information service, not merely telecommunications transport. 

Further complicating matters is Congress. Would a majority of Congress be happy with the FCC taking things into its own hands, when many in Congress probably believe that re-classification (at least re-classification that involves increasing regulation on the re-classified service providers) is the responsibility of Congress, not the FCC.  

And, of course, re-classification would generate very strong resistance on all fronts from across many industry segments. Further lengthy court appeals would be certain. 

Build a Stronger Case for Title I Ancillary Authority.  In Comcast, the D.C. Circuit did not rule that it was impossible for the FCC to make the case for ancillary jurisdiction, just that the Commission had failed to do so here. The Court left open the alternative possibility that the FCC could assert jurisdiction over Internet traffic management if such regulation were in fact ancillary to the Commission’s responsibilities under Section 201 of the Communications Act (which requires that common carrier charges and practices must be just and reasonable). 

The potential for such an alternative arises from the fact that the Circuit declined to consider one line of argument presented by the Commission in support of its claim of ancillary jurisdiction. In its brief, the Commission argued that it could regulate Comcast’s practices because discriminatory practices that impact VoIP traffic affect the prices and practices of traditional telephone common carriers. But the FCC had not included that as a basis for its regulation back in its 2008 Comcast Order that was on review – and the Circuit (as well as most other courts) refuses to consider justifications for an agency action which are made only at the appeal stage, and not in the original action on review. So the ultimate strength of that particular argument has not yet been tested in court.

Accordingly, the FCC could use the pending Open Internet proceeding to build a record establishing a nexus to Section 201 responsibilities. However, the FCC’s Section 201 theories seem pretty far-fetched, and it is hard to conceive of other theories that could be stronger. And while the Court also left open the possibility that the FCC could try to show a nexus to its responsibilities to protect broadcast TV stations under Title III of the Communications Act, it is unclear if and how the FCC would take on that task.

Statements released by Democratic FCC Commissioners and legislators suggest that they are determined to move forward and find a way to enact net neutrality regulations. Of the alternatives set out above, re-classification of Internet transport as a Title II service currently seems to have the most momentum, but the Obama administration may choose to push one of the other alternatives, or perhaps to work on multiple paths at the same time.   Either way, we are sure to see the struggle over this issue continue.

Court Says No To FCC-Imposed Network Neutrality

FCC lacks authority from Congress to regulate provision of Internet services

Just three short weeks ago, the FCC took the Nation to the mountaintop and showed us the promised land of broadband – every man, woman, and child among us interconnected by high-speed Internet. Part of the dream foresees an Internet free of any provider’s control, giving everyone access to all of the content on the planet.

That last part – Commission-protected freedom from providers’ control – has now taken a serious hit from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. The Court has concluded that the FCC lacks authority to require providers to treat Internet content even-handedly.

Comcast launched the case back in 2007, when it deliberately hindered its Internet customers’ access to certain file-sharing services (possibly, some critics thought, to protect its parent companies’ on-demand cable services from competition). Comcast stopped the practice after the story came out, and after its claims that it was “just controlling congestion” were shown to be untrue. The FCC subsequently imposed certain reporting and disclosure requirements on Comcast’s traffic management practices.  Comcast took the FCC to court, where we observed that the oral argument did not go well for the FCC.

The court has now ruled squarely for Comcast and against the FCC, holding that the powers granted to the FCC by Congress do not include the power to regulate Comcast’s provision of Internet service.

The FCC’s position was a little shaky from the start. It never had a rule prohibiting the Comcast action that caused all the trouble, just a loosely-worded policy statement. And nothing in the Communications Act, from which the FCC derives all of its authority, specifically authorizes control over Internet traffic. The FCC thus had to fall back on a claim of “ancillary authority,” based on a catch-all statutory provision that allows the FCC to do pretty much anything “as may be necessary in the execution of its functions.” 

But as the Court had previously held on a number of occasions, ancillary authority applies only if (1) some other statutory provision covers the subject matter, and (2) the challenged action is “reasonably ancillary” to the FCC’s exercising of its authority under (1). The FCC passed the first test, but not the second. The “other provisions” on which the FCC relied, said the Court, were either mere statements of congressional policy (which cannot support ancillary authority) or statutory provisions that miss the specific topics involved in Comcast’s behavior.

As a result, the FCC is legally barred from imposing or enforcing network neutrality.

The FCC still has a few options.  For example, it can ask the same court for a hearing en banc (Latin for “lots more judges”) or appeal to the Supreme Court. Or it can ask Congress for a law that gives it the authority it needs. There may be other alternatives as well, involving adjustments to the existing regulations for a better fit with the existing statutes, but their likelihood of success in court remains to be seen.

But right now, the view from the broadband mountaintop is a little murky. For the time being, at least, Internet providers are free to favor or block content as they choose. And no use complaining to the FCC.

Court Challenges FCC in Early Network Neutrality Test

Chief Judge to FCC lawyer: “How do you want to lose?”

If a recent oral argument before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit is any guide, the FCC may have a tough time imposing its proposed network neutrality policies. Unless Congress steps in to give it a hand.

The case (argued on January 8) arose from complaints that Comcast’s Internet service had deliberately and selectively interfered with BitTorrent file-sharing services. Comcast claimed it was just managing traffic on the network; opponents suspected Comcast of trying to shield the parent company’s cable operations from competition.

The FCC sided with the complainants. It did not fine Comcast, but imposed conditions intended to ensure that the practice had ended. Read the details here.

Comcast brought an appeal to the D.C. Circuit, raising two main grounds: (1) the FCC had no actual rule in place prohibiting what Comcast did (due process argument); and (2) the FCC could not have had such a rule because it lacks authority over an Internet provider’s handling of content (jurisdictional argument).

While it is always risky to predict the outcome of a case on the basis of oral argument, things look bad for the FCC – not only as to the Comcast case, but also in regards to its stated goal of adopting network neutrality rules.

The judges seemed to feed “softballs” to the attorney for Comcast, while giving the FCC lawyer a much harder time. We noted three particularly telling moments:

  • The Chief Judge asking the FCC lawyer, “How would you prefer to lose – [on due process or on jurisdiction]?”
  • Another judge pointedly asking the FCC lawyer, “Are there any limits” to the FCC’s jurisdictional claim? The lawyer seemed unable to come up with an answer that both satisfied the court and squared with his own theory.
  • The Chief Judge remarking, “The impact of our decision [on the FCC’s pending network neutrality rules] will be perfectly clear,” in a context suggesting the court expects to undercut the FCC’s ability to adopt those rules.

But even if the FCC loses this case, it would be a mistake to suppose that marks the end of network neutrality. There are two points to remember.

First, the FCC believes it has a decent argument for jurisdiction based on the Supreme Court’s Brand X decision, which has language supporting the FCC’s authority to regulate at least some aspects of Internet service.  The Comcast court appeared uninterested in hearing about Brand X. But the FCC could ask the Supreme Court to rule in its favor under that precedent.

Second, a loss here on jurisdictional grounds will be an invitation to Congress to step in and give the FCC whatever authority it needs to impose network neutrality. Recent congressional proposals have been a lot tougher than the FCC’s proposed rules.

Either way, an FCC loss in this court will only set off the next stage of the dispute.