Supreme Court Says A Lot by Saying Little

The United States Supreme Court engaged in a flurry of activity as it brought to the 2008-2009 term to a close this week.  However, for those interested in communications matters, the biggest effect will likely be from cases in which the Court did not issue an opinion.  In two terse-to-the-point-of-cryptic orders – one setting one case for a second set of oral arguments, the other a standard denial of certiorari – the Court sent important signals about both (a) the future of election laws as they pertain to advertising and (b) the application of copyright law to new technologies.

BCRA on the ropes?

Broadcasters, First Amendment advocates and others eagerly awaited the Court's opinion in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (No. 08-205), a case we summarized when the Court granted certiorari and initially set the case for oral argument.  Now, instead of issuing an opinion, the Court has set the case for re-hearing on September 9, setting off rampant speculation that a Supreme Court may be gearing up to declare the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (a/k/a BCRA, a/k/a McCain-Feingold) facially invalid. 

Rather than simply deciding whether a full-length documentary movie about Hillary Clinton constituted the type of electioneering prohibited by BCRA, the Court instead directed the parties to answer the following question:

For the proper disposition of this case, should the Court overrule either or both Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652 (1990), and the part of McConnell v. Federal Election Comm’n, 540 U.S. 93 (2003), which addresses the facial validity of Section 203 of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, 2 U.S.C. §441b?

For readers unaccustomed to the patois of high-falutin’ constitutional litigators, a “facial” challenge is the classic blunt instrument, a broadside attack in which an entire statutory scheme is targeted. The alternative to a “facial” attack is an “as applied” attack, in which the party challenges not the entire statute, but rather just that portion of the statute that has been applied to the challenger. To analogize to the surgical arena, an “as applied” attack is akin to delicate laparoscopic surgery involving cute little incisions leaving minimal scars; a “facial” challenge is akin to Civil War battlefield amputations (think the hospital scene in Gone with the Wind).

Not surprisingly, courts tend to prefer the “as applied” approach – so it’s a big deal when the Supreme Court itself announces that it’s prepared to consider arguments about the facial validity of a statute.

When we discussed the Court's most recent pronouncement on BCRA (Federal Election Commission v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc.), we took particular note that  Justice Scalia, joined by Justices Thomas and Kennedy, would have declared BCRA unconstitutional, and that Justice Alito was moving in that direction.  With its order in the Citizens United, the Court could be indicating that another Justice or two may be ready to toss all, or at least a major chunk, of BCRA. (Note that the oral argument has been set for September 9, which in itself is highly unusual. Ordinarily, the Court recesses from the end of June until the first Monday in October.)

Betamax 2009

The Court's next big statement consisting of few words was the simple denial of certiorari in a case (Cable News Network v. CSC Holdings, No. 08-448) brought by several television networks and Hollywood studios against Cablevision. The nets and studios claimed that Cablevision's remote storage DVR (RS-DVR) system violates their copyrights by making an unauthorized copy at the cable system’s headend. Of course, the alternative to an RS-DVR system entails making the recordings on about a gazillion separate set-top DVR boxes located in the cable subscribers’ homes. The RS-DVR approach merely shifts the locus of the mechanical recording to a more efficient, centrally-located facility, while providing the end-user precisely the same end-result – the ability to view video content of the viewer’s choosing at a time and place convenient to the viewer.

The networks and studios initially won their case in United States District Court, convincing that court that Cablevision's system constituted a copyright violation.  Cablevision countered that there was no effective difference between (a) this cheaper method of storing content and (b) the use of multiple set-top DVR units. Since the latter approach was directly analogous to reliance on separate VCRs, and since individualized, private-use VCR recording had been held not to constitute copyright infringement, Cablevision prevailed on appeal to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.  The nets and studios asked the Supremes to review the Second Circuit’s decision, and the Supremes have now declined the opportunity with the standard, brutally unilluminating, nine-sentence order (“The petition for a writ of certiorari is denied.”). That leaves the Second Circuit decision in place and Cablevision’s RS-DVR system alive and kicking.

This becomes the latest in a long line of cases, dating back to the Court's 1984 decision in Sony Corp. of America v. Universal City Studios, Inc. (the "Betamax" case), that allow for "time shifting" of television programs by a viewer for his or her later viewing in his or her own home.  It is expected to increase the use of cable set-top boxes with DVRs, which will, in turn, impact the advertising revenues collected by television networks.

Hillary Clinton Heading to the Supreme Court?

Maybe, but not as a Justice.  Nor, technically, as a litigant.  Instead, she's at the center of a controversy involving whether a documentary film entitled "Hillary: The Movie":

 

is an “electioneering communication” under the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (also known as "BCRA" or the "McCain-Feingold Law").  A finding that the movie is an “electioneering communication” would limit the programming that could be offered by broadcasters on political candidates and topics; it would also subject the movie’s producers to extensive disclosure obligations.

Technically, an “electioneering communication” is any paid broadcast, cable or satellite programming that: (a) “refers to a clearly identified” candidate for Federal office; and (b) is telecast within 60 days of the general election or 30 days of a primary; in the case of a presidential candidate, it must also be received by 50,000 or more people. (Some exemptions exist for news stories, editorials and the like, as long as the broadcaster is not controlled by a political party or candidate.)

The distinctly anti-Hillary documentary was produced by the not-for-profit organization "Citizens United", which claims it is "[d]edicated to restoring our government to citizen control".   "Hillary: The Movie" was released in January, 2008, in the thick of Senator Clinton's run for the Democratic presidential nomination. Citizens United released the movie in theaters and on DVD.  No problem there.

But Citizens United also wanted to offer the movie for pay-per-view purchase on cable systems nationwide, and it wanted to broadcast ads for the DVD and movie showings.  In order to avoid getting crosswise with BCRA, it first sought a declaratory ruling from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia that the film did not run afoul of McCain-Feingold, as that law was interpreted by the Supreme Court in McConnell v. Federal Election Commission (2003) and FEC v. Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc. (a 2007 decision previously discussed addressed in this blog),

The District Court ruled that the film was an electioneering communication as defined in BCRA because the only reasonable interpretation was that the film was intended as an appeal to vote against Clinton.  Accordingly, under BCRA, Citizens United would not be able to show the movie on broadcast or cable television.

And while ads for the movie (and DVD) would not themselves be “electioneering communications”, broadcast of the ads would subject Citizens United to considerable, detailed disclosure requirements (including disclosure of Citizens United donors) and the airing of a disclaimer containing the identity of those responsible for the content, as well as the name and address of the corporation (in this case a non-profit) that paid for the advertisement. 

By law, Citizens United was able to – and did – appeal directly to the United States Supreme Court. On November 14, 2008, the Supremes agreed to hear the case later this term.

While the overall outlines of BCRA’s “electioneering communications” rules have previously been upheld, the applicability of those outlines to particular cases remains an open question. In 2007 a sharply divided Supreme Court held that certain advocacy ads could not properly be held subject to those rules. Citizens United is presumably hoping for at least such a ruling in its case, if not a broader holding affording appropriate First Amendment protections to a greater range of announcements.

While this case does not directly address the rights and duties of broadcasters, those rights and duties are likely to be affected by whatever the Court does. The Court might narrow the definition of “electioneering communications”, thereby removing a disincentive for some potential advertisers. Or the Court might at least clarify precisely the line between communications which are “electioneering” and those which are not – thus providing all concerned with useful practical guidance.  Of course, if the Court sides with the government, broadcasters will continue having to vet every piece of politically-oriented programming – not just commercials – to determine whether it could trigger BCRA regulations.

This is a case rife with irony.  Another rival for the presidency – John McCain – co-authored the law which is effectively protecting Hillary Clinton's reputation. The current Administration, repeatedly and harshly criticized by Senator Clinton, will be defending the law (and, by extension, protecting her from attack). 

Citizens United's basic argument should be palatable to broadcasters:  regulation of this type of movie could lead to similar regulation of other media which also could influence elections, including books, magazines and even newspaper editorials or op-eds.  Its brief contends that the court must recognize a fundamental difference between an advertisement and a movie that merits different treatment under BCRA.

So, essentially, it appears that the court is being asked to decide whether content is king or the medium is the message...